AI Summary. An analysis finds a Social Security tax-increase package lowers the debt-to-GDP ratio by 14.3 percentage points, with 97% of that coming from smaller Social Security deficits rather than economic growth. A benefit-reduction package cuts the ratio by 29.2 percentage points, raising long-run GDP by 12.1% versus 0.4%.

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A Penn-Wharton simulation finds that restoring Social Security solvency with tax increases alone would cut debt/GDP by ~14pp by 2060, while a fix based only on benefit cuts would cut it by ~29pp.

How do benefit cuts and tax increases differ in reducing debt-to-GDP?

Core argument: The benefit-reduction package cuts the debt/GDP ratio by 29.2 percentage points in the long run, more than twice the 14.3 percentage points under the tax-increase package.

The first figure [in the gallery] decomposes the tax-increase reform package’s improvement to the debt/GDP ratio into separate effects: how much does it cut debt versus how much does it raise GDP? Almost all of the tax-increase plan’s improvement in debt/GDP comes from lowering federal debt by raising taxes. The plan has a small negative effect on the economy in the short run and a small positive effect in the long run. But 97% of its 14.3 percentage point long-run reduction in debt/GDP comes simply from reducing Social Security’s deficits. The economy is little-changed relative to a baseline in which Congress simply borrows to pay Social Security benefits. The benefit-reduction package [second figure in the gallery] tells a different story. It reduces debt/GDP by 29.2 percentage points, more than twice as much as the tax-increase package. Part of that comes from a larger reduction in debt: 17.2 percentage points versus 13.9. But the real kicker comes from higher long-run GDP: 12.1% under the benefit-reduction package versus just 0.4% under the tax-increase package.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The benefit-reduction package cuts the debt/GDP ratio by 29.2 percentage points in the long run, more than twice the 14.3 percentage points under the tax-increase package.
  2. Of the tax-increase plan’s 14.3 percentage point long-run reduction in debt/GDP, 97% comes from reducing Social Security’s deficits, leaving the economy little changed relative to a baseline in which Congress borrows to pay benefits.
  3. Long-run GDP rises 12.1% under the benefit-reduction package versus 0.4% under the tax-increase package, with debt falling 17.2 percentage points versus 13.9.

AI Summary. Fully closing Social Security's funding gap by raising the payroll tax rate would require an immediate, permanent increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would reduce labor supply and economic growth. Research on a prior benefit cut found affected Americans raised earnings by 61 cents per dollar of lost benefits, generating additional payroll tax revenue.

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Biggs argues that “fair” approaches to restoring Social Security solvency – those that do not cut already accrued benefits – are less effective than “unfair” ones that do, because the latter incentivize increased work effort, raising growth and revenue.

Does closing Social Security's gap with higher payroll taxes hurt growth?

Core argument: Keeping Social Security permanently solvent under the "fairness" model of paying accrued benefits in full would require an immediate and permanent payroll tax increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth.

Imagine that Social Security reform follows the fairness model, in which accrued benefits are paid in full but the rate at which future benefits are earned is reduced. A simple way to do this is to increase the payroll tax rate To keep Social Security permanently solvent, meaning through 75 years and beyond, would require an immediate and permanent increase in the payroll tax rate [from] 12.4% to 17.6%. The higher rate would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth. [Consider] an alternate reform, which looks clearly unfair: fix Social Security’s funding gap entirely by reducing accrued benefits that Americans already have earned. As of 2025, Americans had accrued $54 trillion in Social Security benefits. Social Security’s unfunded obligation as of 2025 was $26 trillion. So, roughly, this means cutting Americans’ “earned benefits” in half. [Analyzing the 1977 reform that undid the notorious 1972 “double-indexing” of benefits, a group of economists], using SSA earnings data, found that, for every dollar of lost benefits, the affected Americans increased their earnings by 61 cents. Moreover, these additional earnings would be taxed by Social Security, further strengthening the program’s finances. In effect, this makes cutting benefits a “cheaper” way to fix Social Security than raising taxes, because people respond in ways that also increase tax revenues.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Keeping Social Security permanently solvent under the "fairness" model of paying accrued benefits in full would require an immediate and permanent payroll tax increase from 12.4% to 17.6%, which would decrease labor supply and reduce economic growth.
  2. Americans had accrued $54 trillion in Social Security benefits as of 2025 against an unfunded obligation of $26 trillion, so closing the gap solely by cutting already-earned benefits would mean roughly halving those benefits.
  3. Economists analyzing the 1977 reform that undid the 1972 "double-indexing" of benefits found, using SSA earnings data, that affected Americans raised their earnings by 61 cents per dollar of lost benefits, earnings that Social Security would tax.

AI Summary. German federal spending has picked up, with year-to-date outlays from the off-budget military fund up €1.7bn (+44%) from a year earlier and total defence spending up €7.0bn (+34%). Spending from the newly established infrastructure and climate fund came in above expectations at €6.1bn, exceeding the decline in infrastructure items within the main budget.

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German fiscal expansion is underway, led by defense spending, which was up 34% y/y in April. Further buoyed by climate and infrastructure spending above expectations, the widened deficit will add an estimated 0.6pp fiscal impulse in 2026.

Is German federal spending on defence and infrastructure accelerating?

Core argument: Germany's year-to-date spending from the off-budget military fund is up EUR 1.7bn (+44%) from last year, while total defence spending is up EUR 7.0bn (+34%).

Spending in the off-budget military fund (implied by the fund's issuance activity) stood at EUR 1.2bn, slightly higher than our expectation of EUR 1.0bn and also higher than last year's EUR 0.9bn. YTD spending in the military fund is up EUR 1.7bn (+44%) from last year and total defence spending is up EUR 7.0bn (+34%). Spending in the infrastructure fund (implied by the fund's issuance activity) came in at EUR 6.1bn, notably above our expectation. Data on spending in the federal bucket of this fund, which came in at only EUR 0.7bn in April, suggests that the upside surprise came either from disbursement to the states or spending in the climate transformation fund. As the infrastructure & climate fund was only established last autumn, there are no comparable numbers for last year, but total spending out of this fund remains notably higher than the decrease in infrastructure-related items in the main budget compared to last year.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Germany's year-to-date spending from the off-budget military fund is up EUR 1.7bn (+44%) from last year, while total defence spending is up EUR 7.0bn (+34%).
  2. April spending in Germany's off-budget military fund, implied by the fund's issuance activity, was EUR 1.2bn, above the EUR 1.0bn expected and last year's EUR 0.9bn.
  3. Spending in Germany's infrastructure fund, implied by the fund's issuance activity, came in at EUR 6.1bn, notably above expectation, with only EUR 0.7bn from the federal bucket, suggesting disbursement to the states or the climate transformation fund.

AI Summary. Sweden has opened public services to private providers, with nearly half of primary healthcare clinics privately owned and one in three public high schools privately run, up from 20% in 2011. Its public social spending has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the US and below the over 30% in France and Italy.

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Swedish public social spending is now 23.7% of GDP, just 1pp above that of the US and well under France’s 31.6%. Market-based reforms in the 1990s brought overall government spending down from 69.4% to 49.3% in 2024.

How has Sweden shrunk its state by privatizing public services?

Core argument: Sweden's total public social spending, covering healthcare, education and welfare payments, has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% of nations like France and Italy.

For decades, Sweden was shorthand for the brand of high-tax, high-spend government that managed people’s lives from cradle to grave through state-run hospitals, schools and care homes. No longer. With little fanfare, this Nordic country of 11 million has embraced capitalism. Today, nearly half of primary healthcare clinics are privately owned, many by private-equity firms. One in three public high schools is privately run, up from 20% in 2011. School operators are listed on the stock exchange. The capitalist makeover has allowed Sweden to do what few industrialized countries have managed in recent years: shrink the size of the state. That has enabled the government to sharply lower taxes and, economists say, sparked a surge in entrepreneurship and economic growth. Its total public social spending bill—which includes healthcare, education and all welfare payments—has fallen to 24% of gross domestic product, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% for nations like France and Italy. Sweden’s economy is expected to grow by around 2% a year through 2030, roughly the same pace as the U.S. and double the growth rates of France and Germany, according to an April forecast by the International Monetary Fund.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Sweden's total public social spending, covering healthcare, education and welfare payments, has fallen to 24% of GDP, similar to the U.S. and well below the over 30% of nations like France and Italy.
  2. Nearly half of Sweden's primary healthcare clinics are privately owned, many by private-equity firms, and one in three public high schools is privately run, up from 20% in 2011, with school operators listed on the stock exchange.
  3. An April forecast by the International Monetary Fund projects Sweden's economy will grow around 2% a year through 2030, roughly matching the U.S. and double the growth rates of France and Germany.

AI Summary. The share of the US population receiving food stamps doubled from 6% to 12% over roughly 25 years, with real costs per capita rising 179% to $279 a year, though both remain below their post-Great-Recession peak. Households with an elderly person now outnumber those with a child, reversing the early-2000s pattern.

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About 40mm Americans, 12% of the population, receive SNAP benefits, up from 6% in 2000. In 2023, only 34% of these households included children, down from 49% in 2010, while 36% contained an elderly person, up from 16% in FY2010.

How have food stamp enrollment, costs, and recipient households changed?

Core argument: The share of the U.S. population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% in FY2000 to 12% in FY2025, while real SNAP costs per capita rose 179%, from roughly $100 to $279 per year in 2024 dollars.

Comparing FY2000 with FY2025, the share of the population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% to 12%, while real SNAP costs per capita increased by 179%—from roughly $100 per year to $279 (in 2024 dollars). Despite this growth, per capita participation and costs in FY2025 remained below their pre-pandemic peak in 2013, which coincided with the aftermath of the Great Recession and changes in eligibility and other policies stemming from the 2008 Farm Bill. SNAP is countercyclical, meaning that all else equal, the number of people receiving SNAP should rise during recessions because of increased unemployment and decline as the economy recovers, [though] overall SNAP participation has grown faster than changes in the unemployment rate alone would predict. Over the long run, and especially since FY2020 (due to the Thrifty Food Plan’s increase in the maximum SNAP benefit), costs per capita have not returned to prerecession levels after a period of high unemployment. In FY2023, the share of SNAP households containing an elderly person (36%) exceeded the share containing a child (34%) for the first time. This was a sharp departure from the early 2000s, when more than half of SNAP households contained a child and less than 20% included an elderly person (Figure 2).

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The share of the U.S. population receiving SNAP doubled from 6% in FY2000 to 12% in FY2025, while real SNAP costs per capita rose 179%, from roughly $100 to $279 per year in 2024 dollars.
  2. In FY2023, the share of SNAP households containing an elderly person reached 36%, exceeding the 34% containing a child for the first time, against the early 2000s when over half contained a child and under 20% included an elderly person.

AI Summary. Germany plans to raise defence spending to €144.9bn, from about €120bn, including roughly €11.5bn in military aid to Ukraine, and government figures point to €188.4bn by 2030, equivalent to 3.7% of GDP and above NATO's 3.5% core military spending requirement for 2035.

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Germany will increase defense spending ~21% y/y from ~€120B this year to ~€145B in 2027. Berlin is planning on spending ~€188B annually by 2030, ~3.7% of GDP.

Will Germany exceed NATO's military spending target ahead of schedule?

Core argument: Germany will spend €144.9bn on defence in 2027, up from about €120bn this year, according to government figures circulated ahead of a formal announcement.

Berlin will spend €144.9bn for defence in 2027, from about €120bn this year, according to government figures circulated ahead of a formal announcement on Wednesday. The figure for next year includes about €11.5bn in military aid to Ukraine, about the same amount as this year. The country has also set up a special €500bn debt fund to modernise its infrastructure over the next decade. The twin moves have upended years of fiscal orthodoxy as Europe’s largest economy seeks to grow again. Berlin was planning to spend €188.4bn on defence by 2030, according to government officials — including €8.5bn for Ukraine in case the conflict has not ended by then. This would be equivalent to 3.7% of GDP, above the 3.5% Nato core military spending requirements by 2035.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Germany will spend €144.9bn on defence in 2027, up from about €120bn this year, according to government figures circulated ahead of a formal announcement.
  2. Berlin plans €188.4bn of defence spending by 2030, equivalent to 3.7% of GDP, above Nato's 3.5% core military spending requirement due by 2035, according to government officials.
  3. Germany's 2027 defence figure includes about €11.5bn in military aid to Ukraine, roughly the same as this year, with €8.5bn set aside for 2030 in case the conflict has not ended.

AI Summary. The U.S. government has invested $20.9bn across sixteen deals taking direct ownership stakes, expanding beyond its traditional toolkit of grants, loans, and tax incentives. The Department of Defense leads with seven deals, the Department of Commerce has six including a 10% stake in Intel, and partners have mobilized an additional $4.75bn.

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Since January 2025, the USG has taken equity stakes totaling $20.9B in 16 American businesses. $8.6B, ~41% of the total, was invested in critical mineral miners and processors, while $8.9B, ~43% of the total, funded the government’s 10% stake in Intel.

Is the U.S. government taking direct equity stakes in companies?

Core argument: Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives.

Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit that has traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives. The Department of Commerce has participated in six such deals, including taking a 10% stake in Intel. The Development Finance Corporation, the United States’ development bank, has executed three equity transactions in critical minerals, healthcare, and infrastructure. The Department of Defense leads the way with seven such deals. The U.S. government is also working with a range of partners and has mobilized an additional $4.75 billion in investment. Private co-investors include J.P. Morgan, Goldman Sachs, and others.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Since January 2025, the U.S. government has invested $20.9 billion across sixteen deals involving direct ownership, broadening a toolkit traditionally focused on grants, loans, and tax incentives.
  2. The Department of Defense leads with seven direct-ownership deals, followed by the Department of Commerce with six, including a 10% stake in Intel, while the Development Finance Corporation has executed three equity transactions in critical minerals, healthcare, and infrastructure.
  3. The U.S. government has mobilized an additional $4.75 billion in investment alongside private co-investors including J.P. Morgan and Goldman Sachs.

AI Summary. Massachusetts caps annual property tax revenue growth at 2.5% unless voters approve an override, and South Hadley voters rejected ballot measures meant to close a $3m deficit driven partly by a 42% jump in healthcare costs and reduced state aid. Municipalities nationwide face the end of federal pandemic aid, higher costs, and state-imposed revenue limits.

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Voters in South Hadley, MA overwhelmingly rejected a property tax increase by 65 to 34%, that advocates argued was needed to prevent steep cuts in education spending, in part due to a 42% increase in the town’s health care costs.

Will voters reject property tax increases as local budget deficits grow?

Core argument: South Hadley, Massachusetts voters rejected two ballot questions that would have permanently lifted the sum the town can raise through property taxes well above the current $35 million, leaving a $3 million deficit.

Massachusetts law largely caps annual property tax revenue increases at 2.5%. Anything more requires a voter-approved override. Facing a $3 million deficit, South Hadley’s elected selectboard put [two] override questions on the ballot. Either would have permanently lifted the sum that can be raised via property taxes well above the current $35 million. South Hadley’s fiscal plight, driven partly by a 42% jump in healthcare costs and reduced state aid, is a preview of what other communities nationwide can expect, according to Chris Morrill, chief executive of the Government Finance Officers Association, which represents public-finance officials in the U.S. and Canada. Towns across the U.S. are grappling with the end of federal pandemic aid that propped up budgets, along with higher municipal costs and, in many cases, state-imposed revenue limits.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. South Hadley, Massachusetts voters rejected two ballot questions that would have permanently lifted the sum the town can raise through property taxes well above the current $35 million, leaving a $3 million deficit.
  2. Massachusetts law largely caps annual property tax revenue increases at 2.5% unless voters approve an override, and South Hadley's shortfall was driven partly by a 42% jump in healthcare costs and reduced state aid.
  3. Chris Morrill, chief executive of the Government Finance Officers Association, says South Hadley's fiscal plight previews what other U.S. communities can expect as federal pandemic aid ends alongside higher municipal costs and state-imposed revenue limits.