AI Summary. U.S. survey data on high school students show the share of 9th graders identifying as lesbian, gay, or bisexual fell from 17% to 11% over two years, compared with a decline from 18% to 16% among 12th graders. The drop was concentrated among girls, from 27% to 22%, versus 9% to 7% among boys.

Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database

Among US high-school students, the LGB share fell btw 2023 to 2025 by 5pp for girls (27% to 22%), and 2pp for boys (9% to 7%). The preceding rise was likewise larger for girls: +128% from 2015 to 2021, versus +99% for boys to 2023.

Are younger teens less likely to identify as lesbian, gay, or bisexual?

Core argument: The share of U.S. 9th graders identifying as lesbian, gay, or bisexual fell from 17% in 2023 to 11% in 2025 in the CDC’s Youth Risk Behavior Survey, while 12th graders declined from 18% to 16%.

[New data from the Youth Risk Survey of U.S. 9th to 12th graders from the CDC shows] for 12th graders, 17 and 18 years old, identifying as LGB declines only a few percentage points between 2023 and 2025 (from 18% to 16%). But the headline result is for 9th graders (14 and 15 years old): Identifying as LGB absolutely plummets between 2023 and 2025, from 17% to 11%. That really does look like a free fall. The decline appears to be driven almost entirely by girls. Identifying as LGB dropped from 27% in 2023 to 22% in 2025 among girls, and from 9% to 7% among boys. [In terms of the share of high school students reporting engaging in same-sex activity] most high school students are not sexually active, so this is only a subsample of the larger group. For boys, there’s been a fairly steady rise in same-sex partners, not too different from the pattern of identifying as LGB among boys. The story is different for girls, where having non-heterosexual sex peaked in 2021 and then fell steeply.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The share of U.S. 9th graders identifying as lesbian, gay, or bisexual fell from 17% in 2023 to 11% in 2025 in the CDC’s Youth Risk Behavior Survey, while 12th graders declined from 18% to 16%.
  2. The decline appears driven almost entirely by girls, whose LGB identification fell from 27% in 2023 to 22% in 2025, compared with a drop from 9% to 7% among boys.
  3. Among sexually active teens, the share of boys reporting at least one same-sex partner has risen fairly steadily, while for girls it peaked in 2021 and then fell steeply.

AI Summary. A survey finds more than half of young men gamble, with 23% doing so daily, and 43% watch pornography daily or several times a week. 42% say the statement "I am inclined to think that I am a failure" describes them very or somewhat well, a view more common among daily gamblers (66%) and daily pornography viewers (63%).

Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database
Is Important:
Important

An ISF survey of 2,000 American men aged 18–29 found 23% reported gambling daily and 27% watch pornography daily. 66% of the men who gambled daily reported feeling like a failure, as well as 63% of the men who watch pornography daily.

Do daily gambling and pornography use correlate with young men's self-perceived failure?

Core argument: More than half of young men surveyed gamble, with 23% gambling daily, 12% more than several times a week, and 21% at least some of the time.

More than half of young men in our survey are now gamblers. Nearly 1 in 4 (23%) report that they gamble daily, plus 12% doing so more than several times a week, and a further 21% at least some of the time. 43% of young men say they watch pornography daily (27%) or several times a week (16%), with another 26% about weekly or less. More than 4 in 10 young men (42%) believe that the statement “all in all, I am inclined to think that I am a failure” describes them “very well” (15%) or “somewhat well” (27%). Those who view pornography (63%) and gamble (66%) every day—along with day trading and playing fantasy sports—are significantly more inclined to see themselves as a failure.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. More than half of young men surveyed gamble, with 23% gambling daily, 12% more than several times a week, and 21% at least some of the time.
  2. 43% of young men report watching pornography daily (27%) or several times a week (16%), and daily pornography viewers (63%) and daily gamblers (66%) are significantly more inclined to see themselves as failures.

AI Summary. American Time Use Survey diary data show that on an average day in 2023, one in 10 Americans aged 23 to 29 spent no time interacting face to face with another person. The most isolated group's time around others fell from roughly a third of the day to essentially zero.

Date Posted:

According to American Time Use Survey data, on a three-year rolling average basis in 2023, 10% of Americans aged between 23 and 29 reported spending zero time interacting face-to-face with another person.

How isolated have young Americans become in daily face-to-face contact?

Core argument: On an average day in 2023, one in 10 Americans aged 23–29 spent no time at all interacting face to face with another person, according to American Time Use Survey diary data.

While exploring data from the American Time Use Survey, which draws on detailed diaries to track how and with whom people spend every minute of a randomly selected day, I came across the following: on an average day in 2023, one in 10 young Americans aged between 23 and 29 did not spend a single minute interacting face to face with another person. The most socially connected quarter of young people used to spend 87% of their day with other people, whether family, friends, co-workers, or others. During the pandemic, that dipped to 78%, but it has rebounded to 83%. The most isolated segment used to still spend roughly a third of their day around others, but that has now collapsed to essentially zero.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. On an average day in 2023, one in 10 Americans aged 23–29 spent no time at all interacting face to face with another person, according to American Time Use Survey diary data.
  2. The most isolated segment of young Americans once spent roughly a third of the day around other people, a share that has collapsed to essentially zero.
  3. The most socially connected quarter of young Americans spent 87% of the day with others before the pandemic, dipping to 78% during it and rebounding to 83%.

AI Summary. Using new price indexes for child- and adult-specific goods, the authors estimate that real spending per child and per parent each rose by about half from 1990 to 2023, indicating a broad rise in household consumption rather than a child-specific one. The share of household spending going to children was stable, near 30% for one child and 40% for two.

Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database

A Child Cost Index newly created by Patters and Sarsons finds little rise in costs per child relative to adult consumption (not counting parental leisure time). Higher child costs are thus unlikely to be the main explanation for falling fertility.

Has spending on children risen faster than spending on parents?

Core argument: Real spending per child and real spending per parent each rose by roughly one-half between 1990 and 2023, deflated by the authors' new child and adult cost indices, and moved closely together over the medium run.

Figure 6 shows that real spending on children has increased substantially. Panel (a) plots real spending per child, deflated [by the authors’ new] child cost index, together with real spending per parent, deflated by [their adult cost index.] Both series rise by roughly one-half between 1990 and 2023 and move closely together over the medium run. Thus, households devote more real resources to children today than in 1990, but this increase appears to be part of a broader rise in household consumption rather than a child-specific expansion in required market inputs. Panel (b) reinforces this interpretation by plotting the share of total household spending allocated to children, separately by family size. Children absorb a large share of household resources in every year of the sample, but that share is strikingly stable over time within family size. Households with one child allocate just under 30% of total spending to that child in both 1990 and 2023. The sacrifice of adult consumption associated with children is therefore large, but it is not a recent development. Panel (b) also reveals clear economies of scale in child-rearing. Moving from one to two children raises the child share of household spending from roughly 30% to roughly 40%, far less than a doubling, and the incremental spending share falls further for larger families.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Real spending per child and real spending per parent each rose by roughly one-half between 1990 and 2023, deflated by the authors' new child and adult cost indices, and moved closely together over the medium run.
  2. Households with one child allocated just under 30% of total spending to that child in both 1990 and 2023, a share that is stable over time within family size.
  3. Moving from one child to two raises the child share of household spending from roughly 30% to roughly 40%, far less than a doubling, with the incremental share falling further for larger families.

AI Summary. An analysis of census data found the number of children under 18 in large U.S. cities fell 6% over a decade, versus 1% nationwide, with children under 5 down 15% in big cities versus 7% nationally. The number of children declined in about two-thirds of the 38 U.S. cities with more than 500,000 residents, including some cities gaining population overall.

Date Posted:

The number of children living in the US declined 1% overall btw 2015 and 2024, while the number living in large American cities fell 6%. The number of American children under the age of 5 fell 7%, while the number living in big cities fell 15%.

Are large U.S. cities losing children faster than the nation overall?

Core argument: The number of children under 18 living in big U.S. cities fell 6% over the past decade, versus a 1% decline nationwide, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of census data from 2015 through 2024.

The number of children under 18 living in big U.S. cities is down 6% in the past decade, the Journal found, compared with a 1% decline nationwide. The drop is especially stark among families with little kids: The number of children under age 5 in big cities fell 15%, compared with a drop of 7% nationwide. Even cities that are gaining population are losing children. In all, the number of children declined in about two-thirds of the 38 U.S. cities with more than 500,000 residents. The Journal analyzed census data from 2015 through 2024, the most recent data available.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. The number of children under 18 living in big U.S. cities fell 6% over the past decade, versus a 1% decline nationwide, according to a Wall Street Journal analysis of census data from 2015 through 2024.
  2. The number of children under age 5 in big U.S. cities declined 15%, compared with a 7% drop nationwide, the Wall Street Journal found.
  3. The number of children declined in about two-thirds of the 38 U.S. cities with more than 500,000 residents, including cities that are gaining population overall.

AI Summary. Using linked Danish administrative data, the authors estimate that starting GLP-1 treatment reduces long-term sickness leave by 0.95 percentage points, a 17.3% decline from a pre-treatment mean of 5.5%, with no statistically significant effects on employment or total income over four years. The reduced absence is valued at 1.3–1.5% of annual labor income per employed person.

Date Posted:

In Danish data, GLP-1 treatment reduced long-term sick leave meaningfully and persistently, generating fiscal savings of 1.3 to 1.5% of annual labor income per employed individual, even in the absence of detectable gains in employment or income.

Do weight-loss drugs reduce long-term sickness leave without raising employment or income?

Core argument: GLP-1 treatment reduces long-term sickness leave by 0.95 percentage points, a 17.3% decline relative to the pre-initiation mean of 5.5%, according to estimates from linked Danish administrative data and a matched stacked difference-in-differences design.

This paper provides new evidence on the economic consequences of GLP-1 treatment using linked Danish administrative data and a matched stacked difference-in-differences design. Comparing early Ozempic initiators to observably similar patients who initiate four years later, we find that GLP-1 treatment reduces long-term sickness leave by 0.95 percentage points, corresponding to a 17.3% decline relative to the pre-initiation mean of 5.5% (Figure 2). This effect grows from roughly 0.8 percentage points in the first two post-initiation years to about 1.1 percentage points in years 3 and 4 (Figure 2) and is accompanied by declines in emergency department encounters and cardiovascular medication use, consistent with sustained treatment exposure and gradual improvements in underlying health. [There are no statistically significant or economically meaningful effects on employment or total income over four years.] Yet, even in their absence, GLP-1 treatment generates meaningful fiscal spillovers by reducing prolonged sickness absence, valued at 1.3–1.5% of annual labor income per employed individual. [The long-term sickness-leave results are robust across alternative specifications and comparison groups (Figure 3).]

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. GLP-1 treatment reduces long-term sickness leave by 0.95 percentage points, a 17.3% decline relative to the pre-initiation mean of 5.5%, according to estimates from linked Danish administrative data and a matched stacked difference-in-differences design.
  2. The estimated sickness-leave effect grows from roughly 0.8 percentage points in the first two post-initiation years to about 1.1 percentage points in years 3 and 4, alongside declines in emergency department encounters and cardiovascular medication use.
  3. GLP-1 treatment shows no statistically significant or economically meaningful effects on employment or total income over four years, while the reduction in prolonged sickness absence is valued at 1.3–1.5% of annual labor income per employed individual.

AI Summary. 33% of U.S. adults live in households with at least two generations of adults, and 49% of adults under 30 live with a parent — up 6 percentage points since 2022 and 12 points since 2019. Overall 13% of adults live alone, rising to 20% among those 60 and older.

Date Posted:

Federal Reserve survey data finds that in 2025, 49% of American adults under the age of 30 lived with a parent, up 12pp from 37% in 2019 prior to the pandemic.

Are more young adults living with their parents?

Core argument: Among U.S. adults under age 30, 49% lived with a parent in 2025, up 6 percentage points since 2022 and 12 percentage points since 2019, just before the pandemic.

Most frequently, people lived with a spouse, partner, or children under age 18. Yet, 33% of adults lived in households with at least two generations of adults. Specifically, 19% of adults lived with their adult children (age 18 or older), and 15% lived with a parent. Two percent of adults simultaneously lived with a parent and an adult child. The share of young adults who live with their parents has increased in recent years. In 2025, 49% of adults under age 30 lived with a parent. This share was up by 6 percentage points since 2022, and up 12 percentage points since 2019, just before the pandemic. Conversely, adults aged 60 and older were more likely to live alone than were younger adults. Overall, 13% of people lived alone in 2025. Among those ages 60 and older, a higher 20% were living alone.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Among U.S. adults under age 30, 49% lived with a parent in 2025, up 6 percentage points since 2022 and 12 percentage points since 2019, just before the pandemic.
  2. In 2025, 33% of U.S. adults lived in households with at least two generations of adults, with 19% living with adult children age 18 or older, 15% with a parent, and 2% with both.
  3. In 2025, 13% of people in the U.S. lived alone, with the share reaching 20% among those ages 60 and older.

AI Summary. Women starting GLP-1 weight-loss treatment lose 1.4–2.5 BMI points, rising to 2.7–4.2 points after 1.5 years or more, and those who are single increase their probability of being married or cohabiting by 18.3 percentage points, with no change for women already partnered. Women not employed at the outset raise their employment rate by 13 percentage points.

Date Posted:
Is Database:
Database

Women who began treatment with GLP-1 drugs when not currently married or partnered saw an increased probability of marriage or cohabitation of ~29pp after 6 quarters. Those not initially employed were 27pp more likely to be working after 6 quarters.

Does weight-loss medication improve women's marriage and employment outcomes?

Core argument: Women who were single when starting GLP-1 treatment raised their probability of being married or cohabiting by 18.3 pp overall and 28.6 pp (s.e. 7.1) at six or more quarters, building gradually as they lost weight.

BMI is flat before women start [GLP-1 treatment] and then falls (Figure 2, Panel A). All groups lose between 1.4 and 2.5 BMI points in the post period. These effects grow to between 2.7 and 4.2 BMI points at 1.5+ years after initiation. The largest magnitude change is in the marriage market. Women who are single when they start (Figure 2, Panel B) increase their probability of being married or living with a partner by 18.3 pp overall and 28.6pp (s.e. 7.1) at six or more quarters, building gradually as they lose weight. Partnered women’s relationships, by contrast, are stable. Their partnership probability barely moves (0.1 points, s.e. 1.8), and there is no excess relationship dissolution (0.0, s.e. 1.7). The marriage-market response is the making of new matches, not the breaking or remaking of old ones. In contrast, single women’s weight loss seems to dramatically affect first impressions of potential partners, leading to a large increase in marriage and cohabitation. This is consistent with prior work on the obesity penalty negatively affecting women in the marriage market. Figure 2, panels C and D show that women not employed at baseline move into work: their employment rate rises 13pp overall and 27pp after six or more quarters, and their weekly hours rise by nearly ten hours at the longer horizon.

Takeaways by Macro Roundup® AI

  1. Women who were single when starting GLP-1 treatment raised their probability of being married or cohabiting by 18.3 pp overall and 28.6 pp (s.e. 7.1) at six or more quarters, building gradually as they lost weight.
  2. Partnered women's relationships remained stable after GLP-1 initiation, with partnership probability moving 0.1 points (s.e. 1.8) and no excess dissolution (0.0, s.e. 1.7).
  3. Women not employed at baseline moved into work after GLP-1 initiation, with employment rates rising 13 pp overall and 27 pp after six or more quarters and weekly hours up nearly ten at the longer horizon.